You're more likely to read about people in the aggregate in this newsletter -- how groups are affected by something the government is doing and how polls suggest those groups feel about it.
CNN's John King is looking at the 2024 presidential race from the other side in his new "All Over the Map" project. Building relationships with individuals in key states, he plans to chart how their opinions shift over the course of the campaign.
He's filed reports from Iowa and New Hampshire so far:
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I talked to King to hear what he's learned so far. Our conversation, conducted by phone and edited for length, is below.
A lot of people in the middle are disgusted
WOLF: What are you finding when you talk to people out in the country?
KING: This is how I started covering politics 106 million years ago. It's just at this moment in the country where you have this weird combination of polarization and disaffection and a lot of people who are in the middle who would be moderate Republicans or true independents or centrist Democrats are just disgusted and they're sitting out.
The people who are sitting out are empowering the extremes, and they know it, but they just can't stomach national politics. So they vote for mayor and they vote for governor and sometimes they vote for Senate and Congress, but even that pisses them off. So it's just a weird time.
People have unexpected viewpoints
WOLF: What I really like in these reports is the nuance of people's opinions. They don't fit into the buckets that we create for them here in Washington. How do you find people who will talk to you? I've talked to other reporters who have trouble doing that.
KING: It can be hard sometimes. We're doing this a number of ways. Some of these are through people I know. The fishermen in New Hampshire we found through a woman I met years ago who's part of an advocacy group for these independent small fishermen ...
They're interesting because they're young, they're Republican-leaning, they're really hardworking, blue-collar people. People that when I started doing this -- 35 years ago was my first campaign -- they were Democrats.
Michael Dukakis only won 10 states in 1988, but he won West Virginia and Iowa. Farmers and coal miners and fishermen and people who work with their hands were Democrats then. And they are more and more Republicans now.
The idea here is to build relationships with them all the way through next November and hopefully beyond. But in the 2024 campaign context, we're not going in to get people at a rally to say, "Are you for (former President Donald) Trump or are you for (President Joe) Biden? Are you for (former South Carolina Gov. Nikki) Haley or are you for (Florida Gov. Ron) DeSantis?"
We care about that, but I care much more about how they got there. Have they always been there? And again, in all caps in boldface to me is the question: why?
Affected by climate change, but not voting based on climate change
WOLF: You talk to a solar panel salesman who backs Trump and a commercial fisherman, who you just mentioned, who says Republicans are for the working man. What motivates people whose livelihoods are directly related to climate change to back Republicans who are largely opposed to having any government involvement with doing anything about it?
KING: That part's fascinating. Chris Mudd is the solar panel guy in Iowa and Andrew Konchek is one of the fishermen in New Hampshire. And to your point, our business makes the mistake -- and the candidates, the politicians and the parties way too often make the mistake -- of trying to put people in their lanes and in their boxes. And guess what, everybody is different. It's a cliche, but it's true.
So Chris Mudd -- his family has an advertising business that employs just shy of 100 people in Cedar Falls, Iowa. It's an anchor of the community, especially in a part of the country where you've had a lot of economic turmoil in the last 25 years, manufacturing disappearing. These guys are heroes in their communities. They are employers.
Then he started the spinoff solar installation business, and he admits straight up his business benefits -- and quite significantly -- from the Biden green energy tax credits. And yet, he says, he would take his chances without them because he thinks that money should be redirected to the border wall. That Trump should finish his border wall.
It's not just immigration. It's American sovereignty and the border. And so he's willing to take an economic hit for his business. He thinks it would survive, but he would take a hit because immigration, American security, comes first to him.
The fisherman, on the other hand, wants to stay on the water. He came to Trump in 2016 because Trump was a newcomer, he was the insurgent. He loves the policies. In Andrew's case, he does not like the tweets. He does not like the chaos. Prefers Trump would talk more about the future, not the past.
But his industry is in decline. And he says Trump is for less regulation -- so they won't be regulating the fishing industry as much -- and he knows Trump hates wind energy farms, and he thinks the biggest immediate threat to his job, two or three years down the road, is a plan to build all these wind turbine farms off the coast of New Hampshire and off the coast of Maine.
And he thinks they're gonna kill his business. So he's for Trump because he wants to pay his mortgage.
The Kennedy vote
WOLF: You talk to another guy in New Hampshire who's switching from Trump to Robert F. Kennedy Jr. The conventional wisdom would be that Kennedy would pull from Biden's support because he is, at least technically, a Democrat. What is happening there?
KING: So that to me is fascinating on a couple levels. No. 1, Lucas was a Trump 2016 primary voter in New Hampshire. He quickly got turned off by the chaos. He was not for Trump in 2020. He went third party. But he's a Republican-leaning guy who likes Trump's policies. Does not like the Trump performance art, I'll call it.
You would think he'd be looking for another Republican in this campaign, but he gets all the way over to Robert Kennedy.
A buddy of his, a crew mate, gave him a Joe Rogan podcast with Bobby Kennedy on it. And Kennedy is talking about how years ago, he helped these fishermen who were being hurt by industrial pollution when he was at the National Resources Defense Council.
So what was he thinking here? They don't trust politicians. Politicians promised to help them all the time, and in their view, they never do. So here's a guy who's running for president, who actually helped people who do what he does. Done. That's it. Right?
Yes, he knows there's a lot of other controversy about Robert Kennedy. He says there's going to be controversy about any politician. Here's a guy who has helped people just like him.
Where is the GOP's viable Trump alternative?
WOLF: You talked about a couple of people just now who don't like the Trump noise or chaos, but CNN 's latest polling -- we just had one in New Hampshire. Trump leads there. He leads in Iowa, according to polling there. What does your reporting on the ground suggest is behind the fact that none of these many Trump challengers have caught on?
KING: Well, one of the issues is just that there are so many of them. The numbers are part of it, without a doubt. But a lot of these Republicans also view Trump as kind of an incumbent. And to a degree, he also benefits from the cynical effort to convince so many Republicans that he didn't lose last time, even though we all know he did.
If you look at our New Hampshire poll, even a lot of Republicans who support the other candidates think Trump is the strongest general election candidate. That's helping him. I think the bigger part there is just that the base is loyal to him.
He can be beat. Six in 10 Republicans in New Hampshire want somebody else, but there are 10 other people running and the support is fractured. Until you have a singular alternative, there's no way to beat Trump.
The only thing I would add to that is what several Trump voters in New Hampshire (told us). They're planning to vote for him, make no mistake, but they say it's not as exciting. It's not the same as it was in 2015 and 2016, when he was new, when that hostile takeover was so dramatic and to many Republicans so exciting.
The establishment didn't think so, but a lot of Republican voters found it very exciting. Trump is not the new guy anymore. And in some ways, he's the new establishment. That doesn't mean his people aren't loyal, but in the back of their mind, there does seem to be a little bit of, "I'm open to some change."
What is the word on Biden?
WOLF: Joe Biden didn't win either Iowa or New Hampshire in the 2020 primaries. And for a complicated and very strange Democratic reason, he may not take part in those contests this year. His nomination is probably a foregone conclusion, but what did you hear from Democrats in those states?
KING: I want to be a little careful here because we haven't spent a ton of time with Democrats. The project's going to expand over the next 13, 14 months, through the election.
The biggest question right now is can Trump be stopped and who is the Republican nominee going to be? So that's where we have put 75, 80% of our energy and focus. Doesn't mean when we go into the states, we're not meeting and talking to Democrats, but I would be more careful about taking the anecdotal reporting we get from six, eight, 10, 12 voters and projecting it out.
I will say that a number of Democrats ask us, "Do you think there's any chance he doesn't run still?" Or they will share their own worries that there will be some event that will force him to not run again.
The age thing is a nagging thought for Democrats. Age, or is he up to the job might be a better way to put it. Does he have the stamina for another term? That's lingering.
You don't see any evidence that there's anybody -- no Democrat is running who has a serious chance or anything like that. We're going get to the swing states as we go forward. I have a number of questions about whether key pieces of the Biden coalition are energized for any number of reasons.
Sometimes you hear this age, stamina, up-to-the-job question. Other times you hear, if you talk to organizers and activists, that some of the people absolutely critical to the Democratic coalition -- blue-collar Black workers, blue-collar Latino workers -- are still feeling it from inflation, don't feel like the economy's bounced back.
Those are things to cover as we go forward. I would not make any big sweeping findings in my reporting on the Democrats so far. I've got more questions than I have answers.
Are Democrats aware of their weaknesses?
WOLF: Let me tweak that a little bit. Separating you from these reporting trips, as somebody who's covered so many presidential elections, what could be the potential effect of the president not taking part in the first two contests?
KING: New Hampshire is very parochial. There are a lot of Democrats there who are, forgive my language, but pissed off at him. I think he could be "embarrassed" in New Hampshire.
Now, does it have any lasting meaning? Let's see what happens.
The president did something, actually, that's pretty courageous. I do not remember one cycle where there hasn't been at least a conversation about, "Is it time to change this Iowa and New Hampshire thing?"
The Iowa electorate is 90% White. The New Hampshire electorate is 90% White. The numbers are even higher than that if you look at the Republican electorate. They're overwhelmingly White states. They do not reflect the diversity, both from an ethnic perspective and even an economic perspective, of the Democratic Party.
This conversation comes up every four years in both parties. Are you gonna change it? Biden had the guts to do it. The cynic would say he did it for the reasons you mentioned -- that he lost Iowa and New Hampshire, and he's lost them before. That wasn't the first time and so he wanted a new way. He wanted the Biden way.
Of course that's one of the reasons he did it. Because he has more success in South Carolina. He has a history. So he has tilted the Democratic playing field to his favor. A bad number in New Hampshire might be embarrassing, but I think they've actually more protected themselves than exposed themselves by doing it this way.
My bigger question is does the way they've changed the Democratic (process) actually mask weaknesses? If there's a weakness in Democratic enthusiasm, if there's a turnout problem, they need to get a handle on that as soon as possible.
