'I was mowing on our property when out of the sky, out of the clear blue, a snake fell onto my arm,' Peggy Jones said

A four-count federal indictment against Donald Trump accuses the former president of conspiring with his allies to overturn the results of the 2020 presidential election and deprive Americans of their right to have their votes counted. The detailed, 45-page federal indictment on 1 August outlines three criminal conspiracies and Mr Trump’s alleged obstruction of the certification of Joe Biden’s victory, a multi-state scheme built on a legacy of lies and conspiracy theories to undermine the democratic process. Mr Trump appeared in court in Washington, DC, on 3 August to plead not guilty to the charges and once more complained that he was the victim of political persecution by his enemies. “When you look at what’s happening this is a persecution of a political opponent,” he told reporters afterwards. “This was never supposed to happen in America. This is the persecution of the person that’s leading by very, very substantial numbers in the Republican primary and leading Biden by a lot so if you can’t beat them you persecute them or prosecute ‘em,” Here are eight key points from the historic indictment of the former commander-in-chief. A five-part scheme to overturn election results The indictment outlines five major elements of an alleged scheme that forms the basis of the charges against Mr Trump, including a conspiracy to overturn the results of the 2020 election. The indictment states that Mr Trump and co-conspirators relied on knowingly false claims about election fraud to pressure state lawmakers and officials to subvert election outcomes by ignoring the popular vote, then dismissing legitimate electors and assigning illegitimate ones loyal to Mr Trump. They then organised those fraudulent slates of electors in states that the Republican lost, according to prosecutors. Mr Trump and his allies then allegedly used the authority of the Justice Department to conduct sham investigations and press state lawmakers into action to approve those false slates of electors. Then-President Trump and his allies then attempted to enlist then-Vice President Mike Pence to reject legitimate results, including an attempt on 6 January 2021 to fraudulently alter the results while overseeing the certification of the election, according to the indictment. And after it was clear that Mr Pence would not do so, Mr Trump “exploited” the chaos from a mob of his supporters, fuelled by his election lies, to continue to delay the certification based on those same false claims, the indictment states. Trump knew his election lies were lies Mr Trump’s “prolific lies” about election fraud span “dozens of specific claims” that he knew were false, according to prosecutors, despite “candid advice” from his own aides, administration officials and the Justice Department and determinations from the courts and election administrators across the country, which the former president then “deliberately disregarded”. His “knowingly false statements” were “integral to his criminal plans to defeat the federal government function, obstruct the certification, and interfere with others’ right to vote and have their votes counted,” according to prosecutors. Many of the examples included in the indictment were previously known, though prosecutors isolated claims and schemes involving five key battleground states that Mr Trump lost. “Despite having lost, [Mr Trump] was determined to remain in power,” according to the indictment. “These claims were false, and the Defendant knew that they were false. In fact, the Defendant was notified repeatedly that his claims were untrue – often by the people on whom he relied for candid advice on important matters, and who were best positioned to know the facts – and he deliberately disregarded the truth.” There are six co-conspirators Six unnamed co-conspirators who allegedly ushered through Mr Trump’s actions are listed throughout the indictment. Based on their alleged actions that match previous descriptions and events surrounding the case in the aftermath of the 2020 election, those co-conspirators are likely to include Trump-connected attorneys Rudy Giuliani, John Eastman and Sidney Powell – all of whom face professional sanctions in the wake of their efforts. The other co-conspirators are likely to include former Justice Department official Jeffrey Clark – who “attempted to use the Justice Department to open sham election crime investigations and influence state legislatures with knowingly false claims of election fraud” – and Kenneth Cheseboro, another attorney who promoted the fraudulent electors scheme. A sixth unnamed co-conspirator is described as a “political consultant who helped implement a plan to submit fraudulent slates of presidential electors to obstruct the certification proceeding”. A pressure campaign and fraudulent electors The attempts among Mr Trump and his allies to pursue a so-called “alternate” fraudulent elector scheme are well reported and central to the House select committee investigation surrounding January 6. The indictment outlines Mr Trump’s use of “deceit” with the aid of his six co-conspirators to pressure officials in Arizona, Georgia, Michigan, Pennsylvania and Wisconsin to subvert legitimate election results and change electoral votes. Mr Trump then relied on “dishonesty, fraud and deceit” to organise those fraudulent electors to submit false vote certificates to Congress, according to prosecutors. Mr Trump and his network of co-conspirators and Republican Party officials directed officials to perform “sham” proceedings that would ultimately position Mr Pence to oversee the fraudulent certification of a bogus slate of electors that would allow Mr Trump to cling to power, the indictment states. The former president also allegedly leveraged the Justice Department and the White House to advance those electors, while Mr Trump ignored legal counsel from the US attorney general to convince Mr Pence to overturn the election. Trump’s attempts to convince Pence to overturn the election When Mr Pence called Mr Trump on Christmas Day in 2020, the president quickly turned the conversation to the upcoming joint session of Congress on 6 January 2021, when Mr Pence was set to preside over the ceremonial certification of the electoral college votes, according to the indictment. “You know I don’t think I have the authority to change the outcome,” Mr Pence said, according to prosecutors. On 1 January, Mr Pence resisted Mr Trump’s efforts again, to which Mr Trump allegedly replied: “You’re too honest.” Days later, Mr Trump and a co-conspirator believed to be Mr Eastman pressed Mr Pence to unilaterally reject the legitimate results or send them back to state legislatures, a strategy that Mr Pence questioned was even defensible, prosecutors wrote. “Well, nobody’s tested it before,” Mr Eastman allegedly replied. The indictment states that Mr Pence took “contemporaneous notes” from that meeting. Mr Trump continued to press Mr Pence, in both one-on-one White House meetings and in public statements in remarks leading up to the attack on the Capitol. That morning, an “agent” for Mr Trump contacted an unnamed US senator asking him to “hand deliver” fraudulent elector certificates from Michigan and Wisconsin, according to the indictment. Mr Pence rejected them. Mr Trump later called Mr Pence demanding once against that he either reject or return legitimate results for Mr Biden. Trump officials considered the Insurrection Act Three days before January 6, a co-conspirator believed to be Mr Clark spoke with a deputy White House counsel who had previously warned Mr Trump that “there is no world, there is no option in which you do not leave the White House” on 20 January 2021. That same White House counsel allegedly tried to dissuade Mr Clark from assuming the role of acting US attorney general, stressing that there was no evidence of widespread fraud and that if Mr Trump successfully overrides the election there would be “riots in every major city in the United States”, according to the indictment. “Well,” Mr Clark allegedly replied, “that’s why there’s an Insurrection Act.” Mr Trump had previously threatened to use the Insurrection Act to quash Election Day protests and civil rights groups and legal analysts had feared his months-long campaign to undermine election results could serve as a pretext to deploy militarised federal and civil law enforcement into American streets. Trump ‘exploited’ the Capitol attack to keep delaying the inevitable Following an hours-long siege at the Capitol and Mr Trump’s initial refusal to urge his supporters to leave, the president’s aides and co-conspirators tried to pressure members of Congress to object to the election results. That evening, White House aides tried calling two senators, Mr Giuliani tried calling five senators and a US representative, another co-conspirator tried to reach six senators and Mr Giuliani left a voicemail urging a senator to “slow it down so we can get these legislatures to get more information to you,” according to the indictment. In another message to a senator, he repeated bogus statements about election fraud and told them to “object to every state and kind of spread this out a little bit like a filibuster,” the indictment states. The attack obstructed Congress and delayed the certification for approximately six hours. Mr Pence ultimately announced the certification of Mr Biden’s victory at 3.41am. A charge that stems from the Civil War’s aftermath A crime of conspiracy against rights invokes Section 241 of Title 18 of US Code, a law that dates back to bedrock civil rights protections for newly enfranchised Black Americans in a turbulent Reconstruction era in the aftermath of the Civil War. It was among criminal codes under the Enforcement Acts, also known as the Ku Klux Klan Acts, designed to protect Americans’ civil rights enshrined under then-newly enacted 13th, 14th and 15th Amendments. The acts effectively allow the federal government to protect the rights of people to vote, hold office, serve on juries and receive equal protection under the law. Section 241 criminalises conspiracies to “injure, oppress, threaten, or intimidate any person” from exercising such rights. Read More Live updates: Trump pleads not guilty at arraignment in 2020 election case Trump, January 6 and a conspiracy to overturn the 2020 election: The federal investigation, explained Will Donald Trump go to prison? Trump’s election fraud claims were always bogus. Will his history of lies finally catch up to him? Jack Smith held nothing back. Here’s what the Trump indictment really means Why Trump is charged under a civil rights law used to prosecute KKK terror Trump may face up to 20 years in prison. But that doesn’t stop him from doing harm

Atlanta Braves fans threw trash on the field after a Game 1 loss to the Philadelphia Phillies.

With the 2022/23 season completed and Premier League clubs now focused on the summer transfer window, WhoScored.com take a look at which players suit each team’s biggest need over the next eight weeks. You can see the first part from Arsenal to Fulham here. Liverpool What do they need - central midfielder Who should they sign - Manu Kone Liverpool have signed Alexis Mac Allister from Brighton, but the Argentine won't be the only new central midfielder to make the move to Anfield this summer. Khephren Thuram and Manu Kone are also on the club's radar, with the latter the latest to be linked with a switch. Kone returned the seventh best dribble success rate (60%) in the Bundesliga last season, while he ranked 10th for possession won in the midfield third (109) and 15th for tackles per 90 (2.5) with the Gladbach star emerging as one of Liverpool's top midfield targets. Luton What do they need - striker Who should they sign - Antonio-Mirko Colak Carlton Morris was the leading light in Luton's successful play-off push having scored 20 league goals for the Hatters last season. However, beyond Morris, Luton have few attacking alternatives to ease the burden on the 27-year-old. For context, centre-back Tom Lockyer was their third-highest scorer, with four goals. Promoted teams often make the mistake of prioritising attack over defence, but Luton can ill-afford to rely on Morris to keep them up. Antonio-Mirko Colak started the Scottish Premiership season brightly, and ultimately ended the campaign with 14 league goals, but injuries hampered his long-term impact, so much so that he hasn't started a league game since March. The Croat could prove a crucial signing in the final third were they to make a move for the Rangers man. Manchester City What do they need - right winger Who should they sign - Wilfried Gnonto While a team chasing a historic treble is unlikely to really need to strengthen in the off-season, Manchester City could certainly use the summer to bring in another right winger. Riyad Mahrez is now the wrong side of 30, and while a success under Pep Guardiola, the champions need to plan for life beyond the Algerian. Relegated Leeds will be aware they need to cut costs, with Wilfried Gnonto a sellable asset on the books at Elland Road. The Italy international works hard off the ball, too, as evidenced by a return of 1.8 tackles per 90, and this would certainly appease Guardiola. Manchester United What do they need - striker Who should they sign - Rasmus Hojlund Harry Kane may be the priority for Erik ten Hag as the Manchester United boss seeks an overhaul of his attack, but with Real Madrid also interested in the Tottenham hitman, the Carabao Cup winners can't afford to be dragged into a bidding war. Rather, they should focus their efforts on securing the services of star-in-the-making Rasmus Hojlund. The Dane ended the 2022/23 Serie A season with a respectable nine goals and two assists to his name despite starting just 20 of 38 league matches. At 20 years of age, there is more to come from Hojlund, and fans should be desperate to see the Atalanta man develop into a world-class striker at Old Trafford. Newcastle What do they need - attacking midfielder Who should they sign - James Maddison Following their Champions League return, Newcastle need to add quality bodies to the squad as they gear up to compete on multiple fronts following a successful season under Eddie Howe. James Maddison is one linked with a move to St. James' Park and having scored 10 and provided nine assists, the 26-year-old certainly proved his worth for a relegated Leicester side. Able to cover a number of roles in the final third, Newcastle won't have a straight shot at Maddison, but he's one who'd boost their chances of another top-four finish and silverware next season. Nottingham Forest What do they need - goalkeeper Who should they sign - Dean Henderson Nottingham Forest were fortunate enough to convince Keylor Navas to join on loan from PSG in January to ease Dean Henderson's injury, though the Costa Rican is unlikely to make a permanent switch to the City Ground. As such, Forest should explore the possibility of signing Henderson once the transfer window opens. The 26-year-old is unlikely to establish himself as first choice at parent club Manchester United, who themselves are looking to sign a new shot-stopper, so would be open to Henderson's sale. Sheffield United What do they need - attacking midfielder Who should they sign - Carney Chukwuemeka While it remains to be seen whether Sheffield United can retain the services of on-loan Manchester City pair James McAtee and Tommy Doyle, the Blades could maximise the loan market once more in order to bring fresh blood into the side. Chelsea spent big to sign Carney Chukwuemeka from Aston Villa, and he is very much one for the future. However, he needs game time to continue his development, something that may prove hard to come by at Stamford Bridge next season. New boss Mauricio Pochettino will likely want a first look at Chukwuemeka before making a decision on his future, but if the Blades are unable to keep McAtee and Doyle, the former Aston Villa teenager would help ease their respective returns to City. Tottenham What do they need - goalkeeper Who should they sign - David Raya Tottenham are set to undergo a major rebuild this summer under Ange Postecoglou, and the best position to start is in goal. Hugo Lloris is set to leave north London, so the Frenchman's successor should be the priority. A ball-playing goalkeeper is key, with David Raya rightly their number one target. Brentford have already signed Raya's replacement in Mark Flekken, and that may soften their stance on the Spaniard. The 27-year-old ranked first for saves (154) and third for accurate long balls (410) in Europe's top five leagues this season, and could prove the perfect new goalkeeper for Spurs. West Ham What do they need - central midfielder Who should they sign - James Ward-Prowse Given Declan Rice's likely exit once West Ham's Europa Conference League campaign is done and dusted, the Hammers will need a new midfielder to ease the England international's exit. West Ham will command a huge fee for Rice, so they need to be wise in the summer market in order not to be priced out of a move for a successor. That being said, Southampton will likely have demanded a big price for James Ward-Prowse anyway, with the Saints captain set to leave on the back of their relegation. The 28-year-old ranked seventh for key passes (74) in the Premier League last season and he could prove the right player to help pick up the pieces if, or when, Rice departs. Wolves What do they need - striker Who should they sign - Folarin Balogun Like Chelsea, Wolves' primary issue was the inability to hit the back of net. Indeed, they scored fewer goals (31) than any other Premier League side last season, and with Raul Jimenez and Diego Costa unlikely to be Wolves players once the summer window closes, they need investment in attack. If they can convince Arsenal to sell Folarin Balogun, then the USA international could be what they need to reignite their stagnant frontline. Balogun scored 21 league goals from Reims last season and after a taste of regular first-team action, is unlikely to settle for a spot on the bench at the Emirates. RB Leipzig had been linked with a move for the 21-year-old, but their decision to firm up their interest in Lens hitman Lois Openda means Wolves may yet have a chance to sign Balogun. Read More How Jude Bellingham can become the anti-Haaland for Real Madrid Alexis Mac Allister believes he can add to trophy collection with Liverpool Replacement for Granit Xhaka and a No9 for Mauricio Pochettino: Transfer targets for every Premier League club Kylian Mbappe alerts Premier League clubs with surprise announcement about his future Jack Grealish revels as Manchester City parade treble Manchester City’s trophy parade in pictures

European Economy Commissioner Paolo Gentiloni urged governments to set aside rigid positions on the reform of the bloc’s

Christian Encarnacion-Strand hit a two-run homer and the Cincinnati Reds held off the New York Mets 3-2 to earn another important victory in the race for the last National League wild card

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Papayaso electrified the audience by performing a Simon Cowell imitation as his final performance

Seven years ago, I was at my local antenatal class preparing for the birth of my firstborn. In my forties and armed with a coloured birthing ball, I looked around and gasped. All the other soon-to-be-mums were at least a decade younger than me. Some were nearly half my age. It briefly panicked me. Would I make any friends? Why did I leave it so late to have kids? Was I doing something wrong? In hindsight, though, I had no reason to worry: your forties is absolutely the best decade in which to have your first child. According to data published last week in The Daily Telegraph, the number of women becoming first-time mothers in their forties has increased in recent years: today, one in 25 UK births is to a woman aged 40-plus. That’s a lot of women just like me, despite the fact that getting pregnant over 35 gets you labelled as someone of “advanced maternal age”. That might sound harsh until you remember that older pregnancies used to be termed “geriatric” – thank God that’s been phased out. I’ve never regretted waiting until my forties, even if I had been trying for children for years by that point. My story is undeniably unique: my partner Alex took his own life while we were doing IVF, but that didn’t stop me from continuing to try to get pregnant. The maternal call was strong, so I decided to carry on with the process using Alex’s frozen sperm. Today I have two beautiful daughters with him: Lola, seven, and Liberty, five. It is an understatement to say I was ready for a baby at 40. I was grounded. Confident. Unlike when I was in my twenties or thirties, I knew exactly who I was and what made me tick. I had life experience. I no longer got FOMO. I didn’t even drink, having been through hell and back to become sober 20 years earlier. My career was fully off the ground, and therapy had helped me identify the family dysfunction I knew to ditch for the sake of my kids. I also wasn’t worried about my body bouncing back after the birth. I just desperately wanted to be a mum. Of course, there are all sorts of advantages to having children in your twenties and thirties. A huge bonus is that you’re simply more fertile. According to research, 31 is the magic age to have a baby – you’re still as fertile as in your twenties, but you also have more money. I’m sure motherhood in your fifties is great, too – although using your own eggs is highly unlikely, unless you froze them at some point before you turned 35. It means that some older mums often turn to donor eggs. Thinking back on my twenties and thirties, I don’t know how I would have managed motherhood. I don’t think I was ready to put my own needs on hold. I can’t imagine how hard it would have been to juggle work and my children, especially with the spiralling costs of childcare. I do accept that there are greater risks inherent in waiting to have kids. Both the quantity and quality of eggs dwindle. The rates of failed fertilisation, miscarriage and birth defects rise with age. There’s also the social pressure that comes with not having children early – you’re forced into endless conversations about the “ticking timebomb” of your fertility, and expected to fend off probing inquiries about your biological clock. The British Fertility Society advises women to start trying for a baby by the age of 32 at the latest, for a 90 per cent guarantee of having a child without resorting to IVF. But this advice simply wouldn’t have worked for me – I was determined to find the right person to have children with, and that didn’t happen until I was 35. When mine and Alex’s attempts to naturally conceive failed, and then Alex died, only at that point did I know I had the maturity to go it alone. I do have some regrets – I wish I’d frozen my eggs at the peak of my fertility in my mid-twenties, for instance (this process costs between £4,000 and £7,000 in the UK). But otherwise, having children in my forties was the right thing to do. Yes, I had my wobbles. I remember sobbing on the bathroom floor after yet another failed pregnancy test. I would berate myself for leaving it so late. I had to force myself to remember that many women experience fertility struggles in their twenties and thirties, too. All of those anxious feelings, though, flew out the window once I had my first child. When I left the hospital to begin parenthood alone, a new bag of nappies in hand, I didn’t have a meltdown. I was just so grateful that I’d had a baby, especially when the odds seemed so stacked against me. Sleepless nights trying to coax my child back to sleep were what I had most desired. It was all so good, in fact, that I went on to have a second child in my forties. I had a spare embryo in a freezer in St Petersburg. Now I call her Liberty. Every day since becoming a mum, I have embraced the mess and chaos, and appreciate every minute. I’m sure my younger self would cringe at the thought of me spending my evenings helping my children with their homework. But I’m proud to say that I’m living my best life. Read More Vanessa Hudgens addresses pregnancy speculation amid Cole Tucker engagement Rachel Bilson reveals she’s suffered multiple miscarriages Pregnant woman has maternity photo shoot in hospital before giving birth Hailey Bieber responds to ‘disheartening’ pregnancy rumours Like Rebecca Adlington, I also lost my baby at 20 weeks Britney Spears reveals she had an abortion while dating Justin Timberlake

Two football fans were arrested during Birmingham’s home match with Sheffield Wednesday for alleged misogynistic chanting towards referee Rebecca Welch. Birmingham won the Sky Bet Championship fixture 2-1, which earned new manager Wayne Rooney his maiden victory in charge of the club. It was overshadowed by news of two 17-year-olds being arrested for alleged chants towards Welch, who made history in January when she became the first woman to officiate a Championship match after she took charge of Birmingham’s clash with Preston. “We have arrested two boys for misogynistic chanting at the female referee during Birmingham City’s home game at St Andrew’s today,” a statement from West Midlands Police read. “Our officers heard the chants being directed at the official and acted quickly to arrest the two, who are both 17. “They are currently in custody on suspicion of a public order offence as we carry out enquiries. We don’t tolerate any form of hate and it is important hate crime is reported to us. “Today is White Ribbon Day which is the start of a 16-day long campaign. It focuses on everyone, especially men and boys on what they can do to change the behaviour and culture that leads to abuse and violence against women and girls.” The PA news agency has contacted Birmingham for comment. The club did warn supporters on Friday about their behaviour towards match officials. We have arrested two boys for misogynistic chanting at the female referee during Birmingham City’s home game at St Andrew’s today West Midlands Police A statement ahead of the Sheffield Wednesday fixture highlighted how Welch faced “sexist and misogynistic” chants during her previous match at St Andrew’s against Preston. “The Sky Bet Championship match on Saturday 25 November, kick-off 3pm, will be officiated by Rebecca Welch. Unfortunately, when she last refereed at St Andrew’s, the club received several reports of sexist and misogynistic abuse aimed at the official,” a Birmingham statement on Friday. “This will not be tolerated and any individual reported for such behaviour will be asked to leave their seat by stewards. “Furthermore, in accordance with the club’s behaviour matrix, foul and abusive language carries a potential ban of up to four matches, with discriminatory and hate speech being punishable with a maximum ban of five years.” Read More Mikel Arteta hails Aaron Ramsdale despite errors in Arsenal’s win over Brentford Novak Djokovic left to rue ‘bitter’ end to season as Serbia beaten in Davis Cup We have to be better – Brendan Rodgers says Celtic’s penalty record must improve Mauricio Pochettino angry as ‘soft’ Chelsea fall apart at Newcastle Brighton boss explains ‘big, big celebration’ and says no disrespect was meant Bournemouth boss Andoni Iraola full of praise for two-goal Marcus Tavernier

Chris Heaton-Harris says Leo Varadkar's recent comments on reunification were unhelpful to Stormont talks.

By Jayshree P Upadhyay and Arpan Chaturvedi MUMBAI (Reuters) -India's markets watchdog has "drawn a blank" in investigations into suspected