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Michael Beale spoke of “a rough week behind the scenes” ending on a high after a late Rangers surge gave them a 4-0 cinch Premiership win over Livingston at Ibrox. The Govan outfit came in for heavy criticism after losing their league opener 1-0 at Kilmarnock last weekend and there were still some misgivings after the Gers beat Servette 2-1 in the first leg of their Champions League qualifier at home on Wednesday night. On a day that midfielder Jose Cifuentes made his first start, Sam Lammers opened the scoring with a drive after 10 minutes but it was a struggle thereafter until Brazilian attacker Danilo headed in a second in the 78th minute, with further goals from substitutes Abdallah Sima and Kieran Dowell putting gloss on the scoreline. Beale said: “The game was in three parts. The first part we started really well and scored a really good first goal. “Todd (Cantwell) did great linking with Cyriel (Dessers) and it was nice for Sam to get his first official goal. “Cifuentes had a fantastic debut but after his goal gets called off (for handball) we slowed down and got stuffy. “We spoke about that but it didn’t improve till the subs came on. If anything part of our play was wasteful when we had good moments. It was a mixed bag. It was a rough week behind the scenes. Michael Beale “There was tension in the stadium. We had some good moments when we should have killed things off and didn’t. “Fair play to Sima and Rabbi (Matondo), they gave us what we needed and took us up the pitch and we got back to where we started in the game. We improved and I’m pleased that those three then got their first goals too. “So it was a mixed bag. It was a rough week behind the scenes. Players going into the first home game in the league in a season when we are under more than a little bit of pressure. “For the new guys they rode every emotion this week. That’s why at the end of the week when I pick the bones out of it I’ll be positive rather than pessimistic. “The new guys have scored their goals, Dujon (Sterling) had his debut, Jose was excellent and Jack (Butland) has his first clean sheet so all in all, the week has ended better than it started.” Livi boss David Martindale was somewhat bemused to leave Ibrox on the back of such a negative scoreline. He said: “Goals change games. Believe it or not, I was sitting there thinking that (goalkeeper) Shamal George had a good game but he’s picked the ball out of the net four times. “I think this has been my 10th year at Livingston and we’ve played Rangers in eight of those years. “I’ve been battered in games, I’ve lost them 1-0, I’ve lost them 2-0. I think this is my heaviest defeat at Ibrox and I genuinely think we’ve been in the game for 78 minutes. “We managed to nullify a lot of the threats that Rangers posed, so I was fairly happy. “Listen, we can do better at the first goal, but I genuinely thought we could get a goal at 1-0. “I was just about to make a couple of changes before the second goal went in, but we allowed a cross to come in from (Borna) Barisic which we knew they were going to do and we didn’t defend the back stick well enough. “Rangers got huge energy, confidence and momentum from the crowd because up until that point, the game could have swung – they looked like they could score again and we looked like we could get one back. “I’m frustrated, but also proud of the players up to a certain level, and also disappointed for them. I could see how much they put into it.” Read More Charity boss speaks out over ‘traumatic’ encounter with royal aide Ukraine war’s heaviest fight rages in east - follow live Tom Pidcock wins mountain bike cross-country at World Championships Sean Dyche bemoans Everton’s lack of cutting edge in defeat to Fulham Roy Hodgson brushes off Max Lowe spat as Crystal Palace beat Sheffield United

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Tottenham Hotspur have, yet again, a summer of change and big decisions ahead of them. The mid-campaign sacking of Antonio Conte has left plenty of questions to be answered, ones which Cristian Stellini was unable to deal with and which Ryan Mason hasn’t fared much better on either, but as usual in the close-season there’s one issue which matters above all else: transfers. For most clubs without a head coach in place, while not an ideal scenario, there will still be a normal process to follow and an expected list of targets to bid for. Those exact names might change depending on who takes over, but the recruitment team will already know, for example, they need to replace an out of contract central midfielder, or want to upgrade on the goalkeeper and so on. For Spurs, it’s rather more complex given they don’t have a sporting director in place either - this summer really is a clean slate in that regard. It’s an opportunity to start afresh, but also presents a bit of a problem from a tactical team-building perspective, specifically because the managers Daniel Levy appears to be targetting are so radically different from Conte. The Italian favoured a regular 3-4-3 setup, while the potential incoming names most heavily linked have been first Arne Slot - he has since announced he’s staying at Feyenoord - and now Ange Postecoglou, both coaches who have had fixed back four systems this season and before. By and large that’s not a wild issue to contend with; the Spurs front three could fit in the Celtic boss’ 4-3-3 without question as an example, but there is one area of this Tottenham team which is an absolute misfit for any back four boss: the defensive flanks. Spurs’ squad is, naturally, built with wing-backs. And not the full-backs-turned-wing-backs type after being let off their defensive leash either, but outright flexible, offensive-minded, hard-working attacking outlets, mostly wingers asked to play from deeper starting positions. Ivan Perisic was a wide forward; Ryan Sessegnon made his name as a winger. Emerson Royal has never been a full-back worthy of the title, even when he was nominally included in a Barcelona back four lineup. Back in October, Pedro Porro lined up on the right and Perisic on the left directly against each other - the Spaniard then playing for Sporting CP, as wing-back, of course. Stellini’s final game in charge as interim boss showed the folly of trying to quickly repurpose the wing-backs on Spurs’ books into back four players. With Porro on the right and Perisic on the left, Tottenham had no line, no cohesion, no protection against the speed, movement and confidence of Newcastle’s attack, resulting in being five goals down in 21 minutes. A 23rd-minute sub put an end to that experiment, and it wasn’t repeated afterwards until Spurs’ most recent outing. Another defeat ensued. With Djed Spence and Destiny Udogie due to return from loans, both also far more adept as wing-backs than full-backs, there’s a real dilemma as to the future in that area of the pitch unless an incoming boss is determined (or convinced) to stay the course with a three-man setup. While the centre-backs are also more adept at being in a three than a pair - Eric Dier, Cristian Romero and Ben Davies at the very least are more comfortable in this system - there’s more scope for a club to sign a central player who can play in both arrangements than there is to start a total overhaul down the flanks. That is particularly important as these positions affect buildup play so much for both of the recently linked bosses, while defensively there’s absolutely no evidence to suggest a back three has helped Spurs - only the bottom three, Nottingham Forest and Bournemouth have conceded fewer this season. Postecoglou, it should be noted, has been tactically flexible in his career. He used a back three with Australia at times, though usually in matches where they were the underdog. Whether that’s his preferred stance when reshaping an entire team is doubtful. Whoever the incoming manager is will, naturally, want a say on at least the type of player and the area of a team they want guarantees in. Perhaps the appointment of a new sporting director will do likewise, them having clarity of how the team should be rebuilt and move forward. Regardless of the eventual name the club lands - and judging by their recent attempts to fill the dugout, even an approach for Postecoglou might be a long way from a success - there’s one absolute certainty: if they plan a Tottenham future with a back four in place, a complete overhaul is necessary to go from leaky wing-backs to a stable setup, only adding to what is already set to be a chaotic and expensive summer in north London. Read More Tottenham identify new first choice for manager after Arne Slot snub Arne Slot makes decision on Tottenham job Premier League 2022/23 season awards: Best player, manager, transfer flop and breakthrough act Tottenham identify new first choice for manager after Slot snub Arne Slot makes decision on Tottenham job Tottenham identify leading candidate to be next manager

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The Turkish Republic, founded from the ruins of the Ottoman Empire by the national independence hero Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, turns 100 on Sunday, October 29. Ataturk established a Western-facing secular republic modeled on the great powers of the time, ushering in radical reforms that abolished the caliphate, replaced the Arabic script with the Roman alphabet, gave women the vote and adopted European laws and codes. Turkey has, however, taken on a more conservative character under the two-decade-old rule of President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, whose party has roots in the country's Islamic movement and who has become Turkey's most influential leader since Ataturk. The centennial offers Erdogan, re-elected for a third term in May, a chance to redefine the country and propel it into a new era he has dubbed “Turkey’s Century.” Here is a look at some of the republic’s greatest accomplishments, and controversial realignments as it embarks on its second century. Religious identity The secular vs. conservative debate remains one of the most contentious cultural divides in Turkey. Ataturk, the nation’s founding father, envisioned a secular country as a prerequisite to modernity. Over the decades, the separation of religion and state became a deeply ingrained ideology. The country went on to impose bans on headscarves in schools and public institutions, brought restrictions on religious education, adopted liberal policies on alcohol, and even converted the main Ottoman imperial mosque, the Hagia Sofia, into a museum. All these policies have been reversed under Erdogan, who has shifted the country toward conservatism. Now official functions open with prayers, the Directorate of Religious Affairs has been given a budget which dwarfs most ministries, the number of religious schools have increased and even Erdogan’s unorthodox economic policy of reducing interest rates - abandoned recently - was justified on religious grounds. “Ataturk was a ... top-down politician who believed in social engineering and he wanted to refashion Turkey as a secular, West-facing, European society," said Soner Cagaptay, an expert on Turkey at the Washington Institute and author of several books on Erdogan. "Erdogan, too, believes in top-down social engineering. While his method is similar to that of Ataturk, his values are almost the exact opposite.” Diplomacy The Western-oriented country joined NATO in 1952 and is officially a candidate to join the European Union - although the membership negotiations have now come to a standstill. Turkey’s interests generally aligned with those of Western countries for much of the 20th century. In recent years, however, Turkey has adopted a much more assertive foreign policy which aims to extend Ankara’s reach both regionally and worldwide. This new independent diplomacy is just as likely to pit Turkey against Western interests as it is to align with them. One recent point of tension between Turkey and the West has been in Syria, with Turkey frequently launching attacks against local Kurdish forces which Europe and the United States consider allies and Turkey considers as off-shoots of the outlawed Kurdistan Workers’ Party, or PKK. Turkey now controls large swaths of territory in Syria and speaks of creating a buffer zone along its borders with Syria and Iraq against Kurdish fighters. Following Russia’s invasion of the Ukraine, both Sweden and Finland decided to abandon their long-standing neutrality and join NATO. Yet Turkey became the main holdout against Swedish membership, accusing Sweden of being too soft toward the PKK and other groups outlawed by Turkey. Turkey’s new, pragmatic foreign policy also extends to its relations with Russia, a major trading partner. While most NATO countries took a strong stance against Moscow over its invasion of Ukraine, Ankara has maintained close ties even as it opposes the war. While impeding NATO’s cohesion, Turkey’s non-alignment does put it in a unique position where it can act as mediator in global conflicts, including the war in Ukraine. Cagaptay sees similarities in Ataturk's and Erdogan's goals of wanting to turn Turkey into a great power. But whereas Ataturk decided to embrace and copy policies of European powers of the time, Erdogan “has no interest in folding Turkey under Europe and believes he can achieve this on his own,” Cagaptay said. Defence industry Turkey faced arms embargos after its 1974 invasion of Cyprus following a coup by supporters of union with Greece, and over its military offensive against Kurdish groups. More recently the country was kicked out of a U.S.-led fighter jet program over its purchase of a Russian missile defense system that angered NATO allies. Restrictions on arms sales, however, are becoming less and less of a burden, because of Turkey’s burgeoning domestic arms industry. Turkish officials maintain that Turkey’s defense industry has grown from 20 percent domestic production to 80 percent. This “local and indigenous” production ranges from rifles and tanks to assault ships and a new fighter jet, Kaan, which is planned to fly in 2028. Turkey has also become a major exporter of arms, most notably its domestically manufactured combat drones. Turkish-manufactured drones have made it into the arsenals of many countries, including Ukraine, the United Arab Emirates, Poland and Azerbaijan. Bayraktar drones, owned and designed by the family of Erdogan’s son-in-law Selcuk Bayraktar, have proven particularly effective in the Ukraine war. Modernisation Ataturk’s reforms and drive to modernize helped pull Turkey out of the deep poverty it suffered when the Ottoman Empire collapsed. Today, the country is a member of the Group of 20 most developed nations. The Erdogan era has become synonymous with a far-reaching construction boom. Highways, bridges, tunnels, pipelines, airports, hospitals and countless residences have all sprung up around the country. This new infrastructure is such a source of pride and legitimacy for Erdogan's government that it is frequently brought up on the campaign trail. With Turkey actively encourages the construction boom, critics say the government has adopted a careless attitude toward its regulation. After a devastating earthquake in February, lax enforcement of building codes was blamed for the widespread destruction. Some of Erdogan’s more ambitious projects have also been points of political contention, from the giant palace built for the president in Ankara to smaller luxury palaces built around the country. His most ambitious proposal yet, a grand canal through Istanbul, has raised fears of harm to the environment and local ecosystem. Challenges Turkey's previous hundred years witnessed military coups, economic crises and a succession of often unstable governments. Today, it faces a host of unresolved issues, including the fight against Kurdish rebels, which has been going on for four decades and doesn’t look any closer to resolution despite daily military operations in Turkey, Syria and Iraq. Turkey's assertive foreign policy means its relations with neighbors swing violently between friend and foe. The recent shift from a parliamentary system to a presidential one further eroded checks and balances, consolidating authority in the president’s hands. Its democratic backsliding, especially since a failed coup in 2016, frequently grabs international attention and seriously endangers its bid to join the EU. Transparency International ranks Turkey 101 out of 180 countries in corruption. Reporters Without Borders ranks Turkey 165 out of 180 countries in press freedoms, down from 149 the previous year. Last year, the Economist Intelligence Unit ranked Turkey 103 out of 167 in its democracy index, classifying it a hybrid regime between an authoritarian state and a flawed democracy. In addition to all this, its economy has been facing a serious downturn in recent years, with inflation in the high double digits. Most experts forecast that inflation will be further exacerbated by the high costs of reconstruction following the earthquake that killed 50,000 people. 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